Content

Biographical and bibliographical information on the book trades
Home - key to pages | References and abbreviations | Data format | About this website | Freshest advices | Contact

10 August 2020

World book heritage. 36: Iceland 1530-1862

World Book heritage

A series of talks on
the history of the written word 

36. Iceland 1530-1862.

The world of the book in 19th century Iceland:
observations of Sabine Baring-Gould 
and other British travellers


In 1862 the 28 year-old schoolmaster Sabine Baring-Gould obtained leave of absence from Hustpierpoint College to make a hazardous journey on horseback through the wastes of Iceland. He had long been interested in Icelandic sagas and was a close observer of the many societies through which he travelled over the course of his long life, picking up folklore, superstitions and legends both from the mouths of the people and his wide reading. He landed in Reykjavik on 16 June 1862 and left on 1 August with a collection of saga manuscripts in his luggage which, as he tells us in the account of his travels Iceland: its scenes and sagas, published in 1863, [1] he presented to the British Museum Library. He must have done this shortly after his return as he mentions in a letter from Hurstpierpoint written to J. T. Fowler on 26 September 1862 that he had already donated the manuscripts acquired at Grimstunga and Akureyri. [2] They then seem to have been lost to sight as far as researchers into the writer are concerned, but comparing details given in Baring-Gould's travel accounts, they can be identified as British Library Additional Manuscripts 24969-24973, although no information on the provenance is given in the library's on-line catalogue. Full details of the manuscripts are given at the end of this account.

With his guide and other members of his party Baring-Gould travelled on horseback, sometimes camping, sometimes staying with farmers or priest. "The farmers will always make a charge, but the priests will now and then refuse money. They will, however, often allow themselves to be persuaded to accept a present, such as an illustrated book, a Latin author, or a silk handkerchief for their wives." [3]

He provided the reader with "Expenses of my tour in Iceland" as Appendix E of his travel account, but it is difficult to find out how much he paid for the volumes and, as will be seen later, there are discrepancies in his accounting. He was at Grimstunga on 30 June and there is a record "Farmer at Grimstunga £4 0 0" which could include the cost of lodging as well as the purchase of the manuscripts. There is likewise nothing for the period of 5-7 July when he was in Akureyri which can be clearly identified although it could be hidden in "Skins of divers and ducks £10 0 0". It could also be part of the payment of £12 0 0 for books he made on his departure from Reykjavik on 1 August.

He writes of his first acquisition on 30 June 1862: At Grimstunga I obtained two MSS. of interest; one [BL Add. Ms. 24973] was a 12mo volume of Sagas and Rimur, written in different hands, and at different times ; of these, the Saga of Asmund the Viking is unpublished ; the other [BL Add. Ms. 24971] was the Harald's Hringsbana Saga, wanting the first leaf, also unpublished, and moreover, not mentioned by Miller in his Saga Bibliothek. [4]

He then goes on to display his knowledge of Indo-European philology and folklore by commenting on a passage in the first volume: At the end of the Nitidar Rimur, in the first book, are some curious broken lines, arranged like the well-known Latin:
pit em pit rem
qui ca uxor ca atque dolo
ret e ret re
The Icelandic vers brisés are more ingenious, though less intelligible.
Hoi ta shun skr skr
kard lið dar ef eittum
nu fa þun þr þr
H R
alli yma
F G
Hnikars talið, or Odin's speech, signifies poetry. It is from this name of the Scandinavian god, that we get our vulgar appellation of "Old Nick,'' and the word is derived from some root signifying to rage with freakish violence, common to several of the Aryan tongues.

… which he goes on to elaborate at some length.

Five days on horseback then brought him and his party to Akureyri of which he writes: I bought here some MSS. of considerable interest from a native who was reduced to great poverty, and only parted reluctantly with the volumes. "These Sagas," said he, "are our joy; without them our long winters would be blanks. You may have these books, but, believe me, it is prava necessitas alone which forces me to part with them." As he spoke, the tears came into his eyes, poor fellow! The volumes I purchased were:

1st, [BL Add. Ms. 24970] a copy of the Sigurgarthar Saga Sigurgartharsonar, in 8vo, bound in vellum, and written about the end of last century ;

2nd, [BL Add. Ms. 24969] a folio in calf, written in 1713-15, containing: [26 items listed at length, see appendix]

3rd. [BL Add. Ms. 24972] I obtained a square 8vo in calf written during this century, containing the Víglundar Saga, Flóamanna Saga, Jökuls Saga Búasonar, Vatnsdœla Saga, Laxdœla Saga, Hrafnkels Saga, and others. These volumes are now in the British Museum. [5]

Baring-Gould came across other manuscripts in the possession of farmers: At Eyjafjord "The old gentleman brought me a MS. account of the Holy Land, translated from the German by a bishop, in 1615, and probably in his handwriting. I did not purchase it, as the book was borrowed, and of no particular interest." [6]

At Vithimyri on 2 July, according to his "Expenses" he purchased a riding horse for £22 0 0 – a sum that does not tally with his account of the transaction in the body of the text where the bargain was driven at £2 10 0. The whole affair seems a little underhand as: "The farmer was absent but his man showed me a volume of MS Rímur founded on the Fosbrœthra Saga, and composed by the great- grandfather of the present famer". Baring-Gould did not feel it appropriate to put in an offer for this volume. [7]

In his introduction Baring-Gould gives an account of the libraries owned by Icelanders, which reveals a mixture of printed and manuscript items: The number of books possessed by the farmers and priests is small, but they borrow of each other and copy the volumes lent them. Their libraries consist generally of Sagas. The following is a catalogue of the books belonging to a farmer in the Vatnsdal : —
1. Bible.
2. Prayerbook.
3. Sermons of Vidallin, late Bishop of Reykjavik.
4. Book of Icelandic plants and their properties, by Hjaltallin.
5. Saga Thithiriks Konungs af Bern, ed. Unger. 1853.
6. Islendinga Sögur, second vol. only. 1829-30.
7. Njáls Saga, ed. 01. Olavius. 1772.
8. Vatns dœla Saga, ed. Sveinn Skulason. 1858.
9. Bragtha-Mágus Saga, ed. GunnlaugThortharson. 1858.
10. Rímur af Gunnari a Hlitharenda. 1860.
11. Hrafnkels Saga, in MS.
12. Asmundar Saga, in MS.
13. Króka-Refs Saga, copied from the printed edition of Marcusson.
14. Latin moral maxims, in MS.
15. Lovsamling for Island, ed. Stephensen. 1853-55.

Besides these there were some old numbers of newspapers and odd parts of the Transactions of Althing. [8]

Baring-Gould describes the room in the Icelandic farmhouse, which usually held the collection of books and manuscripts: The guest room is the cleanest place in the house, and generally has boarded walls, but not unfrequently they are of turf like those of the other rooms, and I have often cleaned my knife and fork after a meal by driving them into the walls of my dining-room. The floor is sometimes boarded, but very commonly is simply the bare earth into which have been trampled fish skins and bones for many generations. This chamber has in it a bed and a table, also the chests containing the wardrobe of the family, and these serve as seats, for chairs there are none. Over the bed is the library of the house, deposited on a shelf let into the wall. [9]

Apart from the farms the church also had collections of books and manuscripts, as well as serving as a general storehouse: The church is the general receptacle of the farmers' clothes, saddles, and wool, which are stowed among the rafters. Bibles, sermon-books, and hymnals, are also stacked, out of the damp, along the cross-beams. [10]

Like the farmers, priests would lend books for reading and copying and this could sometimes lead to problems: Grimsey is the smallest cure in Iceland ; it has its church, that of North-garth, and priest. When Henderson was at Akureyri, he found the Grimsey priest and a mainland priest at loggerheads about a Bible, which the latter had lent to his island brother, and which had never been returned. The mainland pastor sent demands for the restitution of his book by the Grimsey boat when it visited Akureyri, but on its return the following summer, there was neither book nor message from the Grimsey parson. Henderson settled the dispute by presenting two copies to the island, one for the use of the church, the other for the minister himself. [11]

Baring-Gould had studied classics at Cambridge and hoped to enter the church, although he was not ordained until 1864. He was referred to as "padre" by his travelling companions. It comes a no surprise therefore that he was interested not only in sagas, but also in the content of the religious books stacked along the cross-beams of the churches:

In the Icelandic liturgy there is no creed. I asked Grimr [the name he gave to his guide] how that was. He told me that a creed was to be found in some of the old prayer-books, and that it was used only in out-of-the-way churches — never at the Cathedral of Reykjavik. I found, on reference, that the creed to which he alluded was a metrical version from which the ninth article has been expunged ; and one looks in vain in the Icelandic office books for the three Catholic symbols. [12]

When Baring-Gould paid a visit to the parsonage of Undirfell, the parson was absent but they were "received by his seven sons and buxom wife, who showed us a volume of MSS., which her husband had borrowed from a farmer in Langadal. It contained the Saga of Erik red, the Atli Saga, several of the sagas relating to the bishops, and, finally, the Draplangar Sonar Saga".

The local priests, like their counterparts in Baring-Gould's Devon, often became engaged in local history and their collection of sagas was of great assistance here. Baring-Gould writes: We stopped the night at Hvammr, a little parsonage planted under a precipice of dark rock. The old priest was an enthusiast on the subject of Icelandic history, and was able to give me some curious information corroborating the statements in some of the Sagas. He had seen the stones in the Hitara, which mark the spot to which Grettir and Björn had swum, and had sounded the stone in the Hvita to which Thangbrand the Christian missionary had attached his ship. The Saga speaks of it as giving out a musical note when struck. It does so still, and is called the Glöckustein. It is egg-shaped, of a yellowish tinge, and about six feet high. The old man showed me a parchment MS. history of his parish, written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, also a MS. volume of Sagas, containing those of Asmund viking, Jasone Bjarta, Thorstein forvitna, Florus oll sonum hans, Dynuse Drambláti, Eirek Artussyni, and Halfdane Eysteinssyni.

Baring-Gould was particularly interested in the Grettis Saga which revolves around the figure of Grettir the outlaw. Lengthy extracts from the saga intersperse the account of his travels and he was intrigued over its historicity. He writes: The Saga has undergone embellishments, but the main facts are indisputably true. Perhaps no better idea of its relation to pure unadulterated history can be obtained than through an incident related to me by the priest of Hvammr in Northrardalr. He said that there had lived an old farmer at Langadalr within the memory of man, the same who had transcribed the volume of Sagas which I saw at Underfell in the Vatnsdalr. This farmer had been enthusiastic in his admiration of the Gretla. One night he saw, or dreamed that he saw, a tall figure approach his bedside, and at once he recognized Grettir the Strong. The old man's face brightened up, and rising in his bed he held with the hero a long conversation.

The priest at Hvammr probably had his interest in Iceland's heritage awakened as it was the place where Snorri Sturluson, the author of the Heimskringla, or World's Circle, a history of Norway, and the compiler of the Younger
Edda was born in 1179. Baring-Gould praises him: Both the Edda and Heimskringla will make the name of Snorro [sic] famous as long as the world lasts. His style is pure and nervous ; he introduces episodes with singular discretion, and as a graphic historian will never be surpassed. [13]
At Hólar, once the seat of a bishop and an important early centre of printing, little remained although he met with the archdeacon of Hólar, aged 70: The old man presented me with a book which I had long wished to possess, namely, Markusson's Nockrir Marg-Fróthir Sögu-Thœttir, in quarto. [14]

He goes on to describe his library: Between the ceiling and roof of the church is a lumber garret, in which the priest keeps his books, his husbandry tools, and his coffin. Among his volumes I noticed a MS. written at the end of last century, containing the Laxdœla, Eyrbyggja, Flóamanna, Vatnsdœla , Egils Skallagrimssonar, Bjarnar, Fostbrœtlira Sagas ; and a second volume in folio containing Islendingabok, and the Kristni, Thorfins Karlsefnis, Hœnsa-Thoris, Gunnlaugs, Valla Ljots, Kormaks, Finnboga, Ljósvetninga, Vemundar, Thorsteins stangarhöggs, Thorsteins suthufari, Thorsteins frotha, Vápnfirthing, Hrafnkels, Brandkrossa, Droplaugarsona, Egils Sithuhallssonar, and Gunnar Keldugnupsfyfls Sagas. These transcripts, even though of modern date, are valuable, as they are exact copies of older texts. [15]

He continues by giving an account of the importance of these manuscripts to Icelanders: An Icelander reads his sagas aloud winter after winter, till the book is ready to fall to pieces, when he carefully transcribes it, and then casts the well-worn volume aside. I one day saw an old MS. of the Hrafnkels Saga in a byre, and offered to purchase it, but the farmer would not part with it at any price, because he had not yet copied it. In the 12mo. volume which I obtained at Grimstunga, is the last page of the Ajax Saga ; the rest had been gradually thumbed away, but the loose pages had not been lost till the farmer's daughter had carefully recopied them word for word. Arnœus Magnœus collected all the MSS. he could procure in the island, and pretty thoroughly ransacked it of all early vellum or parchment MSS. I am sure that the majority of these were transcribed before their owners parted with them. The library of Arnœus Magnœus was burned down, and a vast number of these precious MSS. perished. Their contents may, however, in a great measure be restored by collecting the copies still existing in Iceland, and comparing them with those in the Copenhagen libraries. [16]

In his introduction Baring-Gould gives more information of the work of this Icelandic scholar: To Arnas Magnœus we owe the preservation of the Saga MSS. This truly great man was born in 1631, and, at the age of thirty-one, became professor of philosophy in the Copenhagen University. A few years later he was made professor of northern antiquities, in which capacity he made frequent trips to his native isle, to gather the MSS. which were dispersed through the farms. After having collected together a large library, he had the misfortune of seeing it consumed by fire in 1728. Still many sagas remained in his own private library, and others were afterwards sent him from Iceland, so that, at his death, two years later, he was able to bequeath to the university library a considerable store of valuable MSS. [17]

Sometimes too, farmers could be persuaded to part with printed copies of the sagas, which were hard to come by, most collections being printed in Copenhagen rather than on Iceland. In the homestead of Thvera with its little church, Baring-Gould bought of the farmer: a copy of the Sturlunga Saga, published in 1817-20, which I had been unable to procure in England or Denmark, as it is out of print. This is one of the longest of the historical Sagas of Iceland, and is, in fact, a compilation of Thatir or 'Historiettes.' It fills about 950 pages of close printing, square 8vo. [18]

Baring-Gould does not say a great deal about the history of printing and the wider world of the book in the past, but makes some observations on the situation in 1862.

Of Reykjavik, then the largest town on the island with a population of 1,400 he writes: There are but two streets, and these are hardly worthy of the name. One leads from the jetty to the inn, and is called the Athalstrœti, or High Street ; in it live the agent for the steamer and the printer. [19]

When visiting the cathedral in Rejkjavik Baring-Gould discovered the public library: Between the ceiling and the roof of the church is the public library, consisting of 8,000 volumes, chiefly in Danish and Icelandic. It was founded in 1821, and for a subscription of a dollar per annum, the inhabitants of Keykjavik may take advantage of its privileges. Running my eye along the shelves, I noticed a great preponderance of Lutheran divinity, with dust thick on the volumes, and all the Sagas very much thumbed. The library contains most of the Latin and Greek authors, though not the best editions. No manuscripts of any age are to be found there, but I believe that the school library contains transcripts of the last century from some of the unpubhshed Sagas. [20]

The main school in Iceland had a chequered history. According to Baring-Gould: The first Christian school was founded in 999 by Hallr at Haukadalr, near the Geysir. Sœmund the Wise, the supposed collector of the elder Edda, established a second school at Oddi. A more systematic attempt was made in 1057, by Bishop Isleif, at Skalholt, and in 1105, Jon Ogmundsson, Bishop of Hólar, formed a school linked to the cathedral. The boys must have been pretty well taught, for we are told in the Saint's Saga, that the master builder, then engaged on the construction of the cathedral church, learned Latin by overhearing the lads reciting their lessons. After the Reformation the school languished, so that in 1789, King Christian VII. of Denmark had entirely to reorganize it, and to remove it to Reykjavik. It was subsequently transported to Bessastathr, where there was a printing-press, but in 1846 it was brought back to the capital. [21]

Akureyri, the second largest settlement with 800 souls, located on the Eyja Fjord in the north of the island, also had its printer and a library in 1862. Baring-Gould writes: A library has been established, but, as yet, it is quite in embryo, and contains only about a hundred volumes. The houses of the merchants are comfortable within, well papered and furnished; the walls are hung with prints, such as views of Copenhagen, portraits of the king, or of Thorwaldsen or Ohlenschlager. [22]

After having shaken hands all round, I sallied forth on a visit to the printer, who lived on the way to the new church. I found his house to be a small wooden cottage, so close and stifling as to be quite insupportable, so that after having purchased a couple of books, I was glad to withdraw. A newspaper, the Northri, appears at intervals from this printer's establishment, edited by Svein Skúlason; but as this gentleman has left Akureyri, the periodical will in all likelihood cease to appear. It contains an epitome of the news of Europe, articles on the topics of the day, local intelligence, letters from correspondents, and advertisements, among which, for a wonder, I did not see a commendatory notice of Holloway's pills. [23] Baring-Gould managed to meet the editor before his departure. "He showed me several volumes of Sagas in manuscript. One of these, a thick folio, bound in vellum and beautifully written, contained the Sturlunga Saga; he produced also three octavo volumes of "Kvœthi," a more perfect collection then that published by the Nordiske Literatur-Samfund. [24]

There were some collections of books other than Sagas and religious texts. Baring-Gould and his party were well received in Hnausir at the home of Dr Skaptason, a surgeon and apothecary as well as a farmer. He found in the jumbled room that served as his apothék "shelves of German, Latin and Danish medical treatises of the last century and the beginning of the present". [25]

The remoter parts of Iceland had great difficulty in obtaining publications, or indeed any news of the outside world. The ferry Arcturus, which conveyed Baring-Gould to Iceland, called in at the Westmann Islands: A boat started from among the rocks as we came to a standstill just off the harbour, and brought letters from the post ship ; the sysselman, the doctor and the parson were in the bows, and eight lusty fishermen rowed. The post-bag was handed up the side, and one letter, the only one that year, was flung to them from the deck. "Some newspapers!" in an imploring voice from the little cockle-shell which danced at our side, and we tossed down all the Danish papers we could scrape together in the cabin. [26]

The situation of Iceland in 1862 shows it as remote from the mainstream of European culture, a situation not only enhanced by its remoteness, Reykjavik being some 2,500 Km from Copenhagen by ferry, but also by its thinly scattered population. In 1862 Iceland accommodated no more than 68,000 people in an area of 103,000 Km2. This can be compared with Ireland, slightly smaller at 85,000 Km2 and with more than 5,750,000 population in the 1861 census. The limited number of printing establishments could not supply the demands of a widely dispersed but highly literate population. Sabine-Baring-Gould made extensive listings of individual sagas and also of collections, as well as other works relating to Iceland and it can be seen that the great majority of them were published in Kaupmannahöfn (Copenhagen), Christiania (Oslo) or other locations in Europe, chiefly in Germany. This serves to explain the thriving manuscript tradition surviving in Iceland until well into the 19th century.

For an explanation of how this situation arose we have to look at the works of earlier travellers to whom Baring-Gould refers in his account, notably Mackenzie in 1810. [27]

The first printing press was erected at Hoolum [Hólar], in the northern province, about the year 1530, under the auspices of John Areson, who was at that time the bishop of this see. Though himself an illiterate and uncultivated man, he was extremely ambitious; and wished to avail himself of all the means which literature might afford for the promotion of his influence in the country. With this view he procured as his secretary, a Swede of the name of Mathiesson, who coming over to Iceland, brought with him a printing press, and made a small establishment at Hoolum for its use. The types were originally of wood, and very rudely formed ; and the only works issuing from the press during the first forty years after its institution, were a few breviaries, church rituals, and calendars. [28]

Timperley fills in a gap in the story: Some time after the death of bishop Areson, this press appears to have been removed from Hoolom. In the year 1563 we find it at work at Breidabolstad; from whence having been purchased by bishop Gadbrand Thorlakson, together with all the materials, it was at first erected by him at Nupufell, in the valley of Eynfiord ; but soon afterwards, for greater convenience towards his meditated work, the Icelandic Bible, the bishop restored it to Hoolum. [29]

In 1574, however, Gudbrand Thorlakson, bishop of Hoolum, made very great improvements in the printing establishment at that place, providing new presses and types, some of which were constructed by his own hand, and bestowing the utmost care upon the correction of every work, which was printed during his life time. Before the century had elapsed, a number of valuable publications made their appearance, greatly improved in their style of composition, and displaying a neatness and even elegance of execution, very remarkable at this early period of the use of printing in the country.

The person whose name is most conspicuous among the restorers of learning, was Gudbrand Thorlakson, bishop of Hoolum. Born in 1542, he studied for some years in the school of Hoolum, and afterwards at the university of Copenhagen, where his talents and industry gained him the intimate friendship of Tycho Brahe, Resenius, Paul Matthias, and other celebrated men in the Danish court. When yet only thirty years of age, he was appointed to the see of Hoolum ; an office which he sustained during the long period of fifty-six years, in a manner most honourable to himself, and advantageous to his country. His labours for the promotion of knowledge were unwearied and incessant. Having reformed the printing establishment of the island, he occupied himself in the superintendence of the press; and as the best testimony of his diligence in this office, we have a catalogue of between eighty and ninety works, which were either written by himself, or published under his immediate patronage and direction. The greater part of these publications- were of a theological nature; and many of them translations of the more eminent works in divinity which at this time appeared on the continent of Europe. To the zeal and learning of Thorlakson himself, the Icelanders were indebted for the first translation of the Bible into their native language; which was published in folio in 1584, and afterwards under other forms better adapted to the common use of the people. About the same time an edition appeared of the Logbók or Icelandic code of laws ; and succeeding it, several other works of much value in reference to the history, and other circumstances, physical as well as political, of the country. [30]

The productions of the early printing presses in Iceland have recently been documented in detail by the USTC up to 1650. [31]. Cotton continues the story after that date: After resting for more than a century, the press travelled [from Holar] to Skalholt: was brought back to Hoolum in 1704: and in 1799, being put into the hands of the Icelandic literary society, was by them erected at Leira. Mackenzie takes the story up to the situation he found in 1810, which is worth quoting at length.

The second Icelandic Society was established in the island in 1794; chiefly under the auspices of the Chief Justice Stephenson, who had been a strenuous advocate for the removal of the former Society from Copenhagen. The original number of members was not less than twelve hundred; most of the farmers, as well as the priests and civil officers of the country, being included. The object of the institution was the promotion of knowledge and improvement among the people; and with this view, a fund was provided by the annual contribution of a dollar from each member, and devoted to the publication of books, to be distributed among the subscribers; The printing establishment at Hoolum, which had fallen into decline, and another which in 1773 was instituted at Hrappsey, an island in the Breida-Fiord, were purchased by the Society, and a printing office, under their management, established at Leira, in the Borgar-Fiord Syssel [on the south-western coast]. From this press have issued, for the use of the Society, fifty or sixty different works, some of them translated, but the greater number original, and comprizing a very great variety of subjects; history, poetry, divinity, law, medicine, natural history, and rural economy. [32]

[Among the publications] was an historical work, edited and chiefly written by Mr Stephenson, as a sort of political register, of which in the period between 1795 and 1802, a volume was published annually at the Leira printing-office, under an octavo form. This contained a narrative of the political events which had occurred in Europe during the preceding year; a separate article being allotted to the affairs of every state. The narratives appear to be drawn up with much care and considerable minuteness. [33]

In his situation of President Mr Stephenson has had the superintendence of the funds of the Society, the entire direction of their various publications, and the management of a small, but well chosen collection of books, which was presented to them by some literary characters of the Danish metropolis.

Some little fault has, perhaps, also existed in the general management of the institution. The office of censorship of the press, vested in one individual, has had the effect of disgusting or deterring many, whose connection would have done credit to the Society; while by giving too much to this single judgment, it has been the means of bringing forth many works, little adapted to the comprehension of those, for whose use they were designed. In the present state of the Society, it is particularly unfortunate that the only printing establishment in Iceland should be thus exclusively appropriated; and as a matter of general policy, it may be doubted whether, under any circumstances, such a corporate institution ought thus to monopolize the literary growth of the country. As guides and protectors to the progress of knowledge, institutions are good — when they become arbitrary rulers, their influence but retards the course of mental improvement, and proves baneful to the very energies which gave them birth. [34]

Mackenzie gives an account of a visit to the press:

We left Leira next morning, and the Sysselman attended us for some miles. We visited in our way the only printing-office now in Iceland, which is close to Leira, in a small and miserable wooden building, situated in the midst of a bog.

This establishment is at present kept up by the literary society, of which Mr Stephenson is at the head. He has the sole management of the press; and is so fond of his own compositions, that few other people now give it employment ; none liking to submit their works to so severe a censor. This state of the press is extremely injurious to the literature of Iceland. Two men are engaged in the printing-office; they have a press of the common construction, and make their own ink of oil and lamp-black. There are eight founts of types ; six Gothic, and two Roman ; with a few Greek characters.

We found a small collection of books, which had been printed within the last few years, and remained here for sale. We purchased several of these, among which was Pope’s Essay on Man, translated into Icelandic verse. During the last winter, the printing-office, with all its contents, was very nearly swept away by a flood; and, at the present time, the building is in a state of wretched repair. [35]

Another work he purchased there is mentioned in an account of a stay in a local farmhouse:

Our breakfast, at Huaneyre, consisted of salmon, boiled sorrel, sweet cakes, excellent coffee, sago jelly, a large tureen full of rich cream, rye-bread, and biscuit. We had reason to expect to find here the perfection of Icelandic cookery; for the Amtmand’s first wife was the authoress of a work on that art, which is held in great esteem, and of which we each treated ourselves with a copy from the Leira printing-office. [36]

One matter that Mackenzie deplored was the lack of Bibles and other religious texts:

There are two versions of the Bible in the Icelandic language ; the first of which was translated by Gudbrand Thorlakson, Bishop of Hoolum, from the German Bible of Martin Luther, and published in 1584; the second was executed chiefly by Bishop Skulasson, in conformity with the Danish version of Resenius, and appeared about sixty years afterwards [in 1664], under the more immediate patronage of the King of Denmark. The latter of these versions is preferable to the former, merely from the division of the text into verses ; which division the edition of Bishop Thorlakson did not supply. [Cotton records a later edition in two volumes folio, in 1728, bearing the imprint, Hoolum Hiallta-dal, af Marteine Amoddsyne.] At present, owing to the length of time which has elapsed since any edition appeared, there is a great deficiency of Bibles in every part of Iceland ; an evil which, from the depressed state of the printing establishment of the island, it is scarcely possible that the unaided efforts of the people should be enabled to remove. [37]

A few years later Ebenezer Henderson found the Leira Press in a sorry state. In Iceland: or, the journal of a residence in that island during the years 1814 and 1815 (Edinburgh: Printed for Oliphant, Waugh and Innes, 1818) he reports:

At a short distance to the north-west, [my guide] pointed out to me the farm of Leyrárgördum, the site of the only printing-office on the island, but which is at present without employment, owing chiefly to prejudices conceived by the Icelanders against the publications which issued from it some years ago. Nor were these prejudices entirely without foundation ; for many of the writings in question had but too glaring a .tendency to introduce the illumination of the German school, and the attacks made on certain classes of the inhabitants were too pointed and violent not to excite indignation. [38]

Henderson also gives us an engaging account of a winter evening of saga reading in Appendix III, devoted to Icelandic poetry:

A winter evening in an Icelandic family presents a scene in the highest degree interesting and pleasing. Between three and four o’clock the lamp is hung up in the baðstofa, or principal apartment, which answers the double purpose of a bed-chamber and sitting-room, and all the members of the family take their station, with their work in their hands, on their respective beds, all of which face each other. The master and mistress, together with the children, or other relations, occupy the beds at the inner end of the room ; the rest are filled by the servants.

The work is no sooner begun, than one of the family, selected on purpose, advances to a seat near the lamp, and commences the evening lecture, which generally consists of some old saga, or such other histories as are to he obtained on the island. Being but badly supplied with printed books, the Icelanders are under the necessity of copying such as they can get the loan of, which sufficiently accounts for the fact, that most of them write a hand equal in beauty to that of the ablest writing-masters in other parts of Europe. Some specimens of their Gothic writing is scarcely inferior to copperplate. The reader is frequently interrupted, either by the head, or some of the more intelligent members of the family, who make remarks on various parts of the story, and propose questions, with a view to exercise the ingenuity of the children and servants. In some houses the sagas are repeated by such as have got them by heart; and instances are not uncommon of itinerating Historians, who gain a livelihood during the winter, by staying at different farms till they have exhausted their stock of literary knowledge. It is greatly to be deplored, that a people so distinguished by their love of science, and possessing the most favourable opportunities of cultivating it, should be destitute of the means necessary for improving them to advantage. Surely the learned in Europe who have profited so much from the ancient labours of the Icelanders, and are now in possession of their most valuable manuscripts, are bound in justice to reciprocate, and furnish them with such books in their own language, as would make them acquainted with the more important branches of human knowledge.

 

Intérieur d'une cabane islandaise, près de Reykjavík,
dessiné par A. Mayer; lith par Bayot, Text Paul Gaimard, 1835.

The custom just described, appears to have existed among the Scandinavians from time immemorial. The person chosen as recitor was called Thulr, and was always celebrated for his knowledge of past events ; and the dignity and pathos with which he related them. […] Instead of the Sagas, some of the more pious substitute the historical books of Scripture; and as they always give the preference to poetry, most of these books have been translated into metre, chiefly with a view to this exercise.

He writes of the far north-west peninsula of Iceland The inhabitants of this part of Iceland being almost entirely excluded from intercourse with foreigners, retain perhaps more of the original Scandinavian customs than those of the other parts. They are not only more tenacious of the traditions which have been delivered to them by their ancestors, but they apply themselves with greater diligence to the transcription of the written or printed sagas, the greater part of which many of them have learned by heart, and they are almost all capable of expatiating on the excellence or turpitude of the leading actions in the story. [39]

Henderson was a Scottish minister and missionary also sought to improve the provision of religious literature to the people of Iceland. In his appendix on scriptures in Iceland he writes of an initiative then under way:

I […] proceeded to the parsonage of Mödrufell, where I received a most cordial welcome from the worthy incumbent, Sira Jon Jonson. [… I had] encouraged him to carry into effect a plan which he had formed with a view to the circulation of religious tracts throughout the island. In the course of the winter I received two very interesting letters from him, informing me that he had followed my advice, and had succeeded in the formation of an Icelandic Tract Society, to which he had obtained upwards of three hundred subscribers ; and that the plan was patronized by Conferenceraad Thorararinson, the deputy-govemor of the north. To encourage the Icelandic Society, the sum of L. 10 was voted them by the Religious Tract Society in London; and they have already put into circulation, or are engaged in printing, not fewer than twelve different tracts, most of which are translations of the tracts published by that Society, and very extensively circulated throughout Great Britain. [40]

Baring-Gould had prepared himself well for his travels. Not only had he read the accounts Henderson, Mackenzie and other travellers, but he had acquired many of the published sagas and he gives plentiful advice to the prospective traveller. "You must be provided with a compass and Gunnlangson's [sic]map, then you can find your way as well without as with a guide. The map can be obtained at Reykjavik for 16s. ; from Messrs. Williams and Norgate, Henrietta Street, Covent , for 30s. ; or from Mr. Stanford, Charing Cross, for 2l. 12s." This map had been surveyed by Björn Gunnlaugsson (1788-1876), an Icelandic mathematician and cartographer for the Icelandic Literary Society. The survey was underaken between 1831 and 1843 and the results published in Uppdráttr Íslands a map of Iceland at a scale of 1:480,000 on four sheets between 1844 and 1848 under the direction of Olaf Nikolas Olsen in Copenhagen. Baring-Gould found problems in using the map, for example it did not include the waterall at Dettifoss. [41] He enjoyed his often hazardous tour of Iceland and several times indicated his intention to return. His magpie mind collected details of geological and volcanic phenomena, flora and fauna (always with their scientific names), social customs, music and song, prefiguring his pioneering collecting of Westcountry folk songs in the late 1880s, and of course the sagas. All of this filled Iceland, its scenes and sagas, the first significant book he published, but he never did return. However he continued to add books on Iceland and its sagas to his library and many years later two story books aimed at young people were published: Grettir the outlaw: a story of Iceland in 1890 and The Icelander's sword: or, the story of Oraefa-dal 1894. Both had their origins in his years as a teacher at Hurstpierpoint and the fascination with Iceland and its sagas never left him.

Saga manuscripts presented by Sabine Baring-Gould to the British Museum in 1862

British Library Add MS 24969. Acquired in Akureyri, 5/6 July 1862

Collection of historical, mythical, and romantic Sagas, in Icelandic . In the title-page, which is added by Dadi Nielsson, it is stated that the volume was copied by Gìsli Bjarnason, afterwards priest at Tröllatunga, near Húsavìk, and elsewhere, ob. 1773, and was begun while he was a student at Kalmannistunga, on Borgarfjördr, in West Iceland, in 1730: the first article, however, is dated at the end, 4 Mar. 1733.
Paper; circa 1730-1735. Folio.

The contents are-

Title. (f. 1) Dati Nielsson: Account of G. Bjarnason.

1. (f. 1b-24). Völsunga Saga and

2. (f. 1b-24). Ragnar Loðbrókar Saga. Printed at Copenhagen in 1829 in "Fornaldar Sögur," vol. i. p. 113.

3. (f. 25-35). Ænea ok Trojumanna Saga, with an account of S. Oswald, and with the history brought down to the end of the reign of K. Athelstan ; Breta Sögur: an adaptation of Geoffrey of Monmouth.

3a. (f. 36). Anecdote of Aristomenes, the Messenian. Printed at Copenhagen in 1848-9 in "Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed," in a fuller form.

4. (f. 37-61). Raisubok Boilings, with appendix. Travels of Friderik Bollin, translated from the Danish edition, entitled "Ostindisk Reisebog," printed in 1678, covering Europe, followed by a chapter on the tribes and animals of India, and 4 chapters on animals in other parts. Frederic Bolling was Professor of English at Copenhagen University.

5. (f. 62-69). Bærings Saga Fagra, or story of Bæring the fair, of Saxland and Holsetuland [Holstein], how he became Emperor of Rome; in 16 chapters. This Saga relates the history of a certain Bäring, son of Walter, Duke of Holstein, and grandson of the Grand Duke of Saxony. It exists in MS. on vellum at Copenhagen, one of the copies being supposed to be of the fourteenth century. The Saga is a translation from a lost German romance, half history perhaps, but mostly fable, probably made by order of King Hakon Hakon's son. It has never been printed and published. (SBG)

6. (f. 69b-73). "Saoan af Ambrosio og Rosamunda;" or romance of Ambrosius of Northumberland and his love for Rosamond of India.

7. (f. 74-76b). Saga af Remund ok Melucince, Story of Melusine, the serpent- fairy;. Imperfect.

8. (f. 76b-78). Skjöldunga Saga, or story of Skjöldr, ancestor of the early kings of Denmark and Sweden. A restoration of the Saga from which Saxo Grammaticus compiled his history (SBG).

9. (f. 78b-80). Drauma Jòns Saga, or story of two rival interpreters of dreams, Earl Henrìkr, of Saxland, and Jòn, a village smith. Unpublished.

10. (f. 80b-82). Hakonar Thàttr Hàrekssonar; in 5 chapters. See "Fornmanna Sögur," ix. 214-228. At the end is a list of Sagas. Historical (SBG).

11. (f. 83-90). Saga af Ulfari Sterka. Romance of a Persian Viking, Ulfar the strong. Dated 1732.

12. (f. 91-93). Saga af Illuga Gryðarfostra, followed by 8 ballad stanzas. See "Fornaldar Sögur," iii. 648-660. f. 91. Mythical (SBG).

13. (f. 94-102) .Saga af Elys hinum Frœkna. Story of Elis the valiant and his love for the eastern princess Rosamond. If this be the same as the Saga of Elis and Rosamund, it was translated from the French, in 1226, by Robert the Monk, by order of King Hakon Hakon's son ; unpublished (SBG).

14. (f. 102b-110). Bádar Saga Snæfellsàss or Saga af Bárði Dumbssyni. See "Nordiske Oldekrifter." f. 102 b. A wild, half-mythical tale of one of the first settlers in Iceland (SBG).

15. (f. 111-118). Saga af Hjálmtyr ok Ölvis. Dated 1731. See "Fornaldar Sögur," iii. 453-518. Fabulous (SBG).

16. (f. 119-125). Halfdanar Saga Eysteinssonar. See "Fornaldar Saga," iii. 519- 558. Fabulous (SBG).

17. (f. 126-128). Tyma Rymar. A satirical poem on the manners of the age, by Jón Sigurdsson, Dalaskald. Printed at Copenhagen in 1772.
.
18. (f. 128b-151) Saga af Alexandre Magno; a prose version of the "Alexandreis" of Philip Gautier (Philippus Gualterus de Castellione), made by Brandr Jónsson, Bishop of Hó1ar, by order of King Hakon Hakon's son in 1263, 1264. Dated 1732. Printed at Christiania in 1848, ed. Carl Ric. Unger.

19. (f. 152-207). Saga af þiðrik af Bern ok Köppum; containing 21 or 22 þatir or chapters. Thidreks Saga, or collection of South-German romances relating to Dietrich of Bern. Dated 1732. Printed as the "Wilkina Saga," ed. J. Peringskjbld, at Stockholm in 1715, and as "Saga Didriks: konungs af Bern," ed. C. R. Unger, at Christiania in 1853.

20. (f. 208). Brief Petri Pauli, abóta til Consenta, til Printzins af Bisignono. Letter from Peter Paul, abbot of Cosenza, in Calabria, to a Prince of Bisignano, relative to the opening of a tomb and the discovery in it of a prophetic writing. Followed by a notice of the seven wonders of the world.

21. (f.209-238). Saga af Fortunato ok sonum. Translation of the favourite mediæval story of Fortunatus and his sons, translated from the Danish. Dated 1734.

22. (f. 239-268). Thornessinga or Eyrbyggia Saga. Printed at Copenhagen in 1787, ed. Gr. J. Thorkelfn, and at Leipzig in 1864, ed. G. Vigfusson.
23. (f. 269) Saga af nafnafrœga sterka Hercule. Narrative of the life of Hercules.
24. (f. 270-279). Saga af Asmundi Viking. A very beautiful, romantic story; unpublished (SBG).

25. (f. 280-285). Saga af Asmundi ok Eigli einhenda ok Asmundar Berserkjabana Fostbrædra Dated 1733. See "Fornaldar Sögur," iii. 365-407.

26. (f. 285-310). Egils Saga Skallagrimssonar. Printed at Hrappsey in 1782, by the Arna-Magnæan Commission in 1809, etc.

British Library Add MS 24970, Acquired in Akureyri 5/6 July 1862

Saga af Sigurgardi Sigurgardsyni og thvi illmenni Valbrandi. Romance of Valdimar, King of England, his son Sigrgardr, his grandson Sigrgardr, and the wizard Valbrandr. Paper; 18th century. Quarto.

British Library Add MS 24971, Acquired in Grimstunga 30 June 1862.

Haralds Saga Hrìngsbana. Romance of Haraldr, the slayer of his father, King Hrìngr of Denmark; in 15 chapters, of which the first two and part of the third are wanting. Paper; 18th century. Octavo.

British Library Add MS 24972 Acquired in Akureyri 5/6 July 1862

1. (f. 1-19). Thorgrims Saga Pruda ok Viglundar Væna. 18 chapters, of which the first three are mutilated. Printed at Hò1ar in 1756 in the "Nœkrer. . . .Sögu- Thættr" of Björn Marcusson, pp. 15- 33.

2. (f. 20-25). Jökuls Tháttr Buasonar. At the end is the siqnature of Dadi Nielsson. Printed in " Nockrer. . .Sögu-Thættr," pp. 182-187, and at Copenhagen in 1847 in Islendinga Sögur," ii. pp. 461-476.

3. (f. 26-57). Bjarnar Saga Hìtdælakappa. Printed at Copenhagen in "Nordiske Oldskrifter" No. iv.

4. (f. 58-72). Fertrams Saga og Platos; romance of two sons of King Arthur of France.
5. (f. 73-81). Fridthjófs Saga frækna. See "Fornaldar. Sögur," ii. pp. 61-100. f. 73.
6. (f. 82-83). Saga af Ormare Fradmarrssyni. Story of Ormr, how he won the daughter of Kino, Hrìngr of Gautland.

7. (f. 83b-100). Gunnlangs Saga Ormstungu. Printed by the Arna-Magnæan Commission in 1775. See also the "Islendìnga Sögur," 1847, ii. pp. 187-276.

8. (f. 100b-128). F1óamanna Saga. Printed at Leipzig in 1860 in "Fornsögur," ed. G. Vigfusson and T. Möbius, pp. 119-161.

9. (f. 129-141). Hrafnkels Saga Freysgoda. Printed at Copenhagen in 1839, ed. P. G. Thorsen and Konrad Gìslason. See also "Nordiske Oldskrifter," No. 1.

10. (f. 141b-174). Vatnsdæla Saga. Printed at Copenhagen in 1812, ed. Er. Chr. Werlauff, and in "Fornsögur," pp. 3-80.

11. (f. 175-235). Laxdæla Saga. Printed in 1826 by the Arna-Magnæan Commission.
At ff. 1, 236 are portions of a letter, without date or signature, addressed to Sira Jón Sveinasson of Stdr. at Steingrimsfiordr, provost in Siranda Sýssla; and at f. 237 are historical notes and obituaries relating to Iceland; 1807-1818.
Paper; about 1800-1818. Quarto.

British Library Add MS 24973 Acquired in Grimstunga 30 June 1862.